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Managing the Crisis: The FDIC and RTC Experience:
Chronological Overview: Chapter Two—1933 - 1979
The next several
years were marked by caution on the part of both banks and regulatory
agencies. The supervisory agencies viewed the panic of 1933 as a banking,
rather than a monetary, phenomenon. The prevailing philosophy was that
unfettered competition in the past had resulted in excesses and abuses in
banking. Consequently, the supervisory agencies followed a policy of what
the FDIC later termed keeping banks and banking practices within the bounds
of “rightful competition.”
The attitude of bankers was similarly circumspect. Bankers who survived the
Depression were chastened by that experience. Banks took few risks as the
banking industry began a massive liquidity buildup. By 1937, for example,
cash and holdings of U.S. government securities comprised about 52 percent
of the banking industry’s total assets, or more than twice the amount held
in 1929. To the dismay of would be borrowers, banks continued to stress
liquidity for many more years. In the eight-year period from 1934 through
1941, the FDIC handled 373 bank failures; most of them were small banks.
During World War II, government financial policies produced an expanding
banking system. Total bank assets at the end of 1945 were nearly double the
$91 billion at the end of 1941. Large-scale war financing by the federal
government was the primary factor contributing to the increase in bank
assets. Banks financed the bulk of the war-loan sales campaign, including
the purchase of government obligations for their own portfolio. At the end
of 1945, holdings of those obligations accounted for 57 percent of total
bank assets.
Loan losses were practically nonexistent during the war years, and bank
failures declined significantly. Only 29 insured banks failed from 1942 to
1946. The decline in the number of failed banks was due to the highly liquid
state of bank assets, the absence of deposit outflows, and vigorous business
activity. Conservative banking practices and favorable economic conditions
also resulted in few bank failures during the late 1940s and 1950s. The low
incidence of failures was regarded by some as a sign that the bank
regulators were too strict. Years later, in a speech marking the dedication
of the headquarters building of the FDIC in 1963, Wright Patman,
then-Chairman of the House Banking and Currency Committee, declared:
. . . I think we should have more bank failures. The record of the last
several years of almost no bank failures . . . is to me a danger signal that
we have gone too far in the direction of bank safety.2-1
Banks continued to operate in a safe, insulated environment until the 1960s,
when changes began to occur. The new generation of bankers was not affected
by the experiences of the Great Depression. They abandoned the traditional
conservatism that had characterized the industry for many years. They began
to strive for more rapid growth in assets, deposits, and income.
Until the mid-1970s, the generally favorable economic conditions enabled
many otherwise marginal borrowers to meet their obligations. With the
exception of periods of relatively mild recession, the economy produced high
levels of production, employment, and income.
The first of two major recessions during the 1970s occurred from 1973 to
1975. The severity of that recession contributed to a substantial increase
in commercial bank loan losses and an increase in both the numbers of
problem banks and bank failures. During that period, the FDIC encountered
the first large bank failures. The recession led to substantial real estate
loan problems. It is important to note that those problems often persisted
well beyond the onset of economic recovery. As a result, the bank failure
rate remained comparatively high, peaking in 1976 at 16, the highest number
of failures since 1942. The six largest banks requiring FDIC disbursements
are listed on table 2-1. Table 2.2 lists the number of bank closings per
year from 1934 until 1979.
Table 2-1
|
Six Largest Banks Requiring FDIC Disbursements
1934 - 1979
($ in Thousands) |
|
Date |
Name of Institution |
Total Assets |
Transaction Type |
|
10/74 |
Franklin National Bank,
New York, New York |
$3,656,000 |
Purchase and Assumption Agreement |
|
10/73 |
United States National Bank,
San Diego, California |
$1,266,000 |
Purchase and Assumption Agreement |
|
1/72 |
Bank of the Commonwealth,
Detroit, Michigan |
$1,257,000 |
Open Bank Assistance
Agreement |
|
3/78 |
Banco Credito y de Ahorro,
Ponce, Puerto Rico |
$713,000 |
Purchase and Assumption Agreement |
|
2/76 |
Hamilton National Bank,
Chattanooga, Tennessee |
$412,000 |
Purchase and Assumption Agreement |
| 6/76 |
Farmers Bank of the State of Delaware,
Wilmington, Delaware |
$370,000 |
Open Bank Assistance
Agreement |
Source: Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation: The First Fifty Years. Table 2-2
|
Bank Closures*
1934 - 1979
($ in Thousands) |
| Year |
# of
Failures |
Total
Deposits
($) |
Total
Assets
($) |
|
1934 |
9 |
1,968 |
2,661 |
|
1935 |
26 |
13,405 |
17,242 |
|
1936 |
69 |
27,508 |
31,941 |
|
1937 |
77 |
33,677 |
40,370 |
|
1938 |
74 |
59,684 |
69,513 |
|
1939 |
60 |
157,772 |
181,514 |
|
1940 |
43 |
142,430 |
161,898 |
|
1941 |
15 |
29,717 |
34,804 |
|
1942 |
20 |
19,185 |
22,254 |
|
1943 |
5 |
12,525 |
14,058 |
|
1944 |
2 |
1,915 |
2,098 |
|
1945 |
1 |
5,695 |
6,392 |
|
1946 |
1 |
347 |
351 |
|
1947 |
5 |
7,040 |
6,798 |
|
1948 |
3 |
10,674 |
10,360 |
|
1949 |
5 |
6,665 |
4,886 |
|
1950 |
4 |
5,513 |
4,005 |
|
1951 |
2 |
3,408 |
3,050 |
|
1952 |
3 |
3,170 |
2,388 |
|
1953 |
4 |
44,711 |
18,811 |
|
1954 |
2 |
998 |
1,138 |
|
1955 |
5 |
11,953 |
11,985 |
|
1956 |
2 |
11,330 |
12,914 |
|
1957 |
2 |
11,247 |
1,253 |
|
1958 |
4 |
8,240 |
8,905 |
|
1959 |
3 |
2,593 |
2,858 |
|
1960 |
1 |
6,930 |
7,506 |
|
1961 |
5 |
8,936 |
9,820 |
|
1962 |
1 |
3,011 |
N/A |
|
1963 |
2 |
23,444 |
26,179 |
|
1964 |
7 |
23,438 |
25,849 |
|
1965 |
5 |
43,861 |
58,750 |
|
1966 |
7 |
103,523 |
120,647 |
|
1967 |
4 |
10,878 |
11,993 |
|
1968 |
3 |
22,524 |
25,154 |
|
1969 |
9 |
40,134 |
43,572 |
|
1970 |
7 |
54,806 |
62,147 |
*Losses
for all resolutions occurring in this calendar year have been updated
through 12/31/03. The loss amounts on open receiverships are routinely
adjusted with updated information from new appraisals and asset sales,
which ultimately affect projected recoveries.
Percent change is not provided if either the latest period or the year-ago period contains a negative number.
Back to table
While the banking
industry did not recover fully from the effects of the recession
until 1977, the following year brought renewed pressures on the
industry. The second major recession began in 1978 when interest
rates on securities markedly surpassed the rates payable by
depository institutions for savings and time accounts. Deposit
growth slowed, particularly for thrift deposits, as alternative
investment instruments and yields became relatively attractive. In
1979 and early 1980, inflation burst upward, along with interest
rates. A change in Federal Reserve monetary policy in October 1979
also contributed to the rise in interest rates. The resulting high
interest rates, in combination with an unduly heavy emphasis on
fixed-rate, long-term lending, caused severe problems for the thrift
industry.
Early Resolution Practices. To pay the insured deposits, FDIC was
originally required to create a Deposit Insurance National Bank (DINB).
A DINB is a national bank chartered without any capitalization and
with limited life and powers. During the period of the temporary
deposit insurance plan, which ran from January 1, 1934, through
August 23, 1935, the FDIC placed 24 insured banks into receivership.
Their depositors were paid by the FDIC through DINBs.
The Banking Act of 1935 gave the FDIC authority to pay off
depositors directly or through an existing bank, and once that
additional authority was granted, the FDIC ceased using DINBs for
the next 29 years. In the 1960s through the early 1980s, the FDIC
used DINBs only five times, the last time for the 1982 failure of
Penn Square Bank, N.A., Oklahoma City, Oklahoma. The DINB
essentially provided a vehicle for a slow and orderly payoff, and
its use was confined to situations when the bank’s failure would
have severely limited banking services in the community or when a
regular payoff was not practical.
In addition to broadening the ways in which a payoff could be
effected, the Banking Act of 1935 gave the FDIC the authority to
make loans, purchase assets, and provide guarantees to facilitate
mergers and acquisitions. The FDIC sought this authority because of
its concern that many of the insured banks might not survive, and
paying off the depositors in those banks would be detrimental to the
insurance fund.
Beginning in 1935, the FDIC had two options for handling bank
failures: payoffs or assumptions. When banks were paid off,
depositors received direct payments from the FDIC up to the
insurance limit. Uninsured depositors had claims on the receivership
for the uninsured portion of their deposits, along with the claims
of other general creditors. The FDIC also held a claim on the
receivership because it had provided the money to pay the insured
depositors. In those transactions, uninsured depositors frequently
did not receive the full amount of their receivership claims. Those
that did receive portions of their claims usually received them
several years later, at the termination of the receivership,
resulting in loss of foregone interest on the deposits.
Assumption transactions involved the transfer of the deposits of the
failed bank to a healthy institution. In assumption transactions all
depositors, both uninsured and fully insured, received all of their
funds in the form of deposits in the acquiring bank. Once the FDIC
began using the assumption transaction, the decision about which
procedure would be used depended primarily on whether a potential,
interested acquirer existed. Most payoffs occurred in states that
did not permit or severely restricted branching; acquisitions could
not be easily effected in those states.
Improved economic conditions in the late 1930s and during World War
II significantly reduced the number of bank failures. Beginning in
the mid-1940s, the FDIC ceased paying off banks. The assumption
method provided a more flexible method of liquidating the affairs of
an insolvent bank than conducting a payoff. Depositors were fully
protected, there was no break in banking services, and the community
did not suffer economically.
Between 1935 and 1956, the FDIC’s procedures for merging failing
banks did not involve premerger closings or the establishment of
receiverships. Acquiring banks assumed all of the deposits of the
failing banks and an equivalent amount of sound assets. Any
shortfall in sound assets was made up by cash. In early assumption
transactions, the FDIC determined the volume of a failing bank’s
sound assets and made a demand loan to the failing bank for an
amount equal to the difference between deposits and sound assets.
The loan was collateralized by the remaining assets. The FDIC would
demand payment on the loan and foreclose on those remaining assets.
The proceeds from the foreclosed assets would be used by the FDIC to
repay itself for the cash advance, plus interest. Any excess cash
went to the stockholders of the merged-out bank.
After several years in which the FDIC used loans to carry out
assumption transactions, it became apparent that legal complications
related to bank borrowing limits and collateral foreclosure
procedures could be averted. Instead of lending to failing banks,
the FDIC could purchase assets from them. This technique became the
usual procedure for facilitating mergers, eventually becoming known
as a purchase (of assets) and assumption (of deposit liabilities)
transaction, or P&A.
The FDIC shifted back to using payoffs in the 1950s. In 1951, during
confirmation hearings on the appointments of members of the FDIC
Board of Directors, the FDIC’s resolution practices came to the
attention of some U.S. senators. The senators argued that the FDIC’s
policy of providing 100 percent de facto insurance to depositors, as
occurred in P&A transactions, went beyond the level of protection
originally intended, and the FDIC’s decisions did not reflect any
substantial analyses or cost calculations. Thereafter, the FDIC
began to use a cost test in resolving failing banks.
2-2 P&As were
used only when the FDIC could determine that they were less costly
than paying off depositors and liquidating the bank’s assets. As a
result, payoffs became more common. Between 1955 and 1958, there
were nine payoffs and only three assumption transactions.
2-3 From
1959 through 1964, there were 19 payoffs and no assumptions.
By the mid-1960s, the FDIC modified its procedures recognizing the
advantages of having a bank closed by the Comptroller of the
Currency or the state,2-4
creating a receivership, and effecting a
P&A transaction out of the receivership. P&A transactions eliminated
the need for the stockholder approvals required in deposit
assumptions and, in certain instances, reduced the potential
exposure for the acquiring bank and for the FDIC. By 1968, the FDIC
had developed an explicit bidding process for handling closed bank
P&As, and that was the way most bank failures, including practically
all of the larger ones, were handled during the next 15 years.
Through the years, deposit insurance coverage increased as inflation
rose. A notable exception was the 1980 increase which was more in
recognition of the sizable amounts of large certificates of deposit
that were being held due to a high interest rate climate. Table 2-3
shows the pertinent dates of the deposit insurance coverage
increases. Table 2-3
|
Increases in the Deposit Insurance Coverage Limit |
|
Date |
Name of Institution |
| Beginning |
$2,500 |
| 1934 |
$5,000 |
| 1950 |
$10,000 |
| 1966 |
$15,000 |
| 1969 |
$20,000 |
|
19742-5
|
$40,000 |
| 1980 |
$100,000 |
Source: Federal Deposit Insurance
Corporation: The First Fifty Years.
In 1950, the FDIC sought legislation to
provide assistance to banks, through loans or the purchase of
assets, to prevent their failure. Through passage of the Federal
Deposit Insurance Act of 1950, Congress gave the FDIC this “open
bank assistance” authority, but imposed restrictive language
relating to the circumstances under which it could be given. The
FDIC did not use the authority until 1971, when it provided
assistance to Unity Bank and Trust Company, Boston, Massachusetts.
The FDIC used this authority three other times in the 1970s.
Early Asset Disposition. As the predecessor to the FDIC’s Division
of Resolutions and Receiverships, the New and Closed Bank Division
supervised seven receiverships in 1935 with a staff of 25 employees.
It also was involved with 26 other liquidations for which the FDIC
had not been appointed receiver, but was a major creditor by virtue
of having paid off insured deposits.
The failure of several banks within a short period of time—or even a
single large bank failure—created a sudden demand for experienced
liquidators. Some personnel were retained from the failed banks, and
many other clerical personnel were hired locally on a temporary
basis. The FDIC also relied heavily on locally hired liquidation
specialists to assist its permanent staff.
The personnel requirements fluctuated widely from year-to-year and
were dictated by the number, size, complexity, and duration of
active receiverships. In the early 1940s, the division employed more
than half of all the FDIC personnel, topping 1,600 in 1941. In the
early 1950s, by comparison, as few as 32 liquidation personnel were
required, as the number of failures had declined in the post-World
War II period. The number of personnel remained relatively unchanged
in 1960 at 38 people, but rose to 175 by 1970. By the end of the
decade, the division’s staffing had more than doubled to 432.
In its first seven years of operation, the FDIC handled an average
of 50 failures annually. As a result, the failure-related assets
acquired by the FDIC increased, peaking at $136 million in 1940.
Over the next three decades, failures averaged fewer than five
annually, but those banks generally were larger than banks that had
failed in the early years. The volume of assets in liquidation,
which was only $2 million in 1952, did not again reach the 1940
level of $136 million until 1971. FDIC liquidation activity
escalated dramatically in the 1970s. The volume of assets in
liquidation reached $2.6 billion in 1974. By the end of the decade,
the volume had decreased somewhat to a total of $1.9 billion, still
well above the pre-1970 totals.
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During the 1950s
and 1960s, the FDIC would “offset” the amount a borrower owed on all
delinquent loans against that person’s deposit balance. This practice
reduced the overall payment to the depositor and ensured that the FDIC
collected a higher, if not full, amount on the loan. For performing
loans, the FDIC often withheld offsetting deposits pending individual
negotiations. Usually, the result was that deposits and loans were
“netted” against one another so that only the remaining balance was
paid by or owed to the FDIC. This method worked to the FDIC’s benefit
because the FDIC was able to reduce its initial outlay of funds for
payoff cases. |
An Offset was used
in a bank failure when a customer who had a delinquent loan also had a
deposit account in the bank. The customer’s deposit funds were applied
to the delinquent loan reducing or “offsetting” the balance owed.
Offsets worked to the advantage of a customer with deposits over the
insurance limit. Loans and deposit accounts could be offset, making
the deposit account fully insured. Deposit funds of a customer with a
current loan would be Withheld until payment arrangements could be
made. Both Offsets and Withholdings were used only where mutuality
(loans and deposits in the same name) of the two accounts existed. |
The offsets and withholding method of collection, however, had an
adverse effect on local communities. Depositors could not use their
funds until decisions could be made about offsets. In addition, once
decisions were made, the failed bank’s customers often had less
liquidity than they had before. The issue received considerable
attention in 1963 when the Chatham Bank of Chicago, Chicago,
Illinois, failed, and the payoff had significant repercussions for
the local community. As a result of that failure, the FDIC changed
its policy so that it offset only delinquent loans or officers’ and
directors’ funds against potential liability, and it stopped the
practice of offsetting or withholding all mutual loans and deposits.
Depositors with funds over the insurance limit retained the right to
offset those amounts against loans to the failed bank. That strategy
usually worked to the depositors’ advantage because, although they
owed the full amount of their loans, they would probably collect
less than full value on uninsured funds in the absence of the offset
or netting arrangement.
Beyond the offset issue, asset collection practices in the early
years were fairly simple and straightforward. Borrowers were
instructed to pay according to the original terms of the note. If
payments could not be met, a reduced payment amount was negotiated.
Compromises, write-offs, and loan sales were not part of standard
procedures.
From time to time, the FDIC’s liquidation portfolio has included
some rather unusual assets. Throughout the years, the FDIC had
interests in oil tankers, shrimp boats, and tuna boats, and
consequently experienced many of the pitfalls facing the maritime
industry. An oil tanker ran aground; a shrimp boat was blown onto
the main street of Aransas Pass, Texas, by a hurricane; and the tuna
boats were idled when Mexico prohibited fishing in its waters and
confiscated the tuna nets. Other unusual liquidation assets have
included taxicab fleets; a coal mine that was on fire the day the
bank was closed; lame thoroughbred race horses; thousands of art
objects, including an antique printing of the Koran; and a
collection of stuffed wild animals. In one instance, a bank failed
because its president was illegally diverting bank funds to finance
production of a motion picture. When the bank failed, the FDIC
acquired the completed but unedited film and the movie distribution
rights.
Owned assets require active FDIC management when, for one reason or
another, their sale cannot be arranged quickly. FDIC asset managers
have been called upon to operate hotels, motels, apartment
complexes, office buildings, golf courses, ski resorts, restaurants,
and other assorted businesses. This can necessitate additional
investment by the FDIC and the development or acquisition of
specialized expertise. Asset managers have had to purchase machinery
to protect citrus orchards from freezing weather, and acquire
beehives for pollination of almond trees. The FDIC once found itself
in possession of an abandoned gold mine in Idaho. A buyer could not
be found until the FDIC had transformed the property into a
successful tourist attraction.
2-1 Wright Patman, as
quoted in Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation: The First Fifty
Years, (Washington, D.C.: Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation,
1984), 7. Back to text
2-2 The FDIC began using a cost test 31 years
before one was explicitly inserted in the Federal Deposit Insurance
Act by the Garn-St Germain Depository Institutions Act of 1982. A
“least cost” test, more stringent than the 1982 version, was
introduced with the passage of the Federal Deposit Insurance
Corporation Improvement Act of 1991. Back to text
2-3 In addition to the closings, Del Rio National Bank, Del Rio, Texas, was placed in receivership on June 20, 1957; it was restored to solvency with no funds distributed from the FDIC and reopened on July 3, 1957. Back to text
2-4 Throughout most of its history, the FDIC did
not have the authority to close banks. That authority rested with
the Office of the Comptroller of the Currency in the case of
national banks and with the state banking departments in the case of
state chartered banks. Generally, the FDIC has worked closely with
the primary supervisor in resolving failing banks. The FDIC’s
attainment of closure authority is discussed later in this study.
Back to text
2-5 In 1974, the insurance limit for time and
savings accounts held by state and political subdivisions (that is,
public funds) was increased to $100,000; in 1978, this same limit
was extended to Individual Retirement Accounts (IRAs) and Keogh
Accounts. Back to text
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